What is good for the City is not necessarily good for the country

When central bankers intervene in government spending choices, we should ask whose definition of prosperity is setting the limits.

By Steve Conley, Founder, Academy of Life Planning

An elected government prepares its Budget. The Governor of the Bank of England warns about credibility, rising spending and the possibility of another crisis. A newspaper invokes the fate of Liz Truss.

The message reaching the public is powerful: step outside the boundaries accepted by financial markets, and your government could suffer the same fate.

That deserves democratic scrutiny.

According to the Telegraph’s account, Andrew Bailey’s intervention connected the risks of higher spending with a repeat of the Truss crisis, suggesting that Prime Minister Andy Burnham could find himself in a similar position.

I regard that framing as a threat to political survival. That is a judgment about the pressure the intervention exerts, rather than evidence that Bailey has promised to engineer a crisis.

But we should not allow a debate about the word “threat” to obscure the underlying issue.

Who gets to decide what the nation can invest in—and whose interests define whether that investment is credible?

Borrowing costs matter. Inflation matters. Financial stability matters. A government cannot make those constraints disappear by winning an election.

Equally, financial markets do not acquire a democratic mandate by holding government debt.

They can price that debt. They should not determine the purpose of government.

The Bank’s authority comes from its public responsibilities. That authority should help Parliament understand economic risks. It should not turn the preferences of financial-market participants into the boundaries of acceptable democratic ambition.

The distinction matters because what is good for the banking industry does not necessarily translate into what is best for the nation.

A more profitable financial sector may support productive lending and investment. It may also generate more income from fees, asset trading or activities whose benefits are concentrated among a relatively small group.

We must examine what finance enables, who benefits and what risks it creates.

The prosperity of an intermediary is not a sufficient measure of the prosperity of the people it serves.

This is a familiar problem in financial planning. We can measure the portfolio precisely while paying too little attention to the person: their health, skills, earning capacity, relationships and ability to act.

At national level, we risk making the same mistake.

We scrutinise government liabilities while treating spending that protects people’s productive capacity as a burden.

Consider someone unable to work because they cannot access timely treatment. Someone who cannot take a job because childcare is unaffordable. A young person whose learning suffers because they are hungry or insecure at home.

Healthcare, childcare and income security have immediate costs. They can also create the conditions in which people learn, work, build businesses and contribute.

Calling expenditure a “spending spree” before examining those effects prejudges the economic argument.

The World Bank recognises that well-designed social protection can enhance human capital and productivity. Its work on public finance identifies investment in people’s health, knowledge and skills as a driver of growth with wider social benefits.

This does not mean every welfare programme produces the same results. Design, delivery and financing matter. Nor does it mean every investment in people automatically outperforms every other investment.

It means we cannot credibly assess expenditure only by recording its immediate cost.

Investment in people can build the productive capacity from which future tax revenues and national prosperity arise.

There is a danger in defining credibility too narrowly. A government can cut expenditure and improve a near-term fiscal forecast while allowing health, skills and household resilience to deteriorate.

The accounts may look more disciplined. The country may become less capable.

That is why fiscal credibility should include a credible plan to develop the nation’s people.

Bailey is no stranger to the argument. In his July 2026 Mansion House speech, he explicitly included human capital among the causes of economic growth. He also defended the contribution of well-designed regulation rather than endorsing indiscriminate deregulation.

The question, then, is whether investment in people receives sufficient weight when warnings about spending enter the political debate.

His engagement with the City also deserves examination. Mansion House provides a prominent platform for the Governor’s views. TheCityUK, the industry’s representative body, featured him at its 2025 Annual Dinner.

Such engagement is understandable for someone responsible for financial stability. It also creates a continuing obligation to ensure that industry access does not become disproportionate influence.

An institution can become too closely aligned with a sector’s assumptions without anyone receiving a personal financial reward.

The test is whose interests shape the questions being asked—and whose interests remain outside the room.

Bailey’s October speech contains another important point: government bond markets have become more exposed to leveraged investors and rapid forced selling.

If market structures can amplify instability, then those structures need scrutiny too.

It cannot always be the elected government’s spending ambitions that must adjust while the financial system’s design is accepted as a fact of nature.

At the Academy of Life Planning, our starting point is human agency: people’s ability to understand, choose, act and contribute.

That provides a broader test of economic policy.

Does it improve people’s health and capability? Does it expand meaningful opportunities? Does it strengthen their ability to withstand shocks and participate in society?

Financial stability supports those aims. Its value should be judged partly by how well it serves them.

Central-bank independence carries a responsibility to remain accountable for the use of public authority. Parliament should scrutinise the Bank’s assumptions just as the Bank scrutinises economic risks.

When a Governor invokes market credibility, we should ask: credible to whom, over what period, and on what definition of wealth?

A nation can satisfy its creditors while impoverishing its future.

The purpose of government is larger than securing the approval of the City. It includes building a country whose people have the capability, security and freedom to flourish.

That is the wealth we must learn to see—and the investment we must learn to defend.


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